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Britain Is Again Tempted to Change Prime Ministers

Starmer came to power promising stability after Conservative chaos. Now he risks becoming part of the same political exhaustion.


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Стасова Вікторія
Дмитро Швецов
Стасова Вікторія; Дмитро Швецов
Газета Дейком | 18.05.2026, 19:20 GMT+3; 12:20 GMT-4
Мова публікації: English

Keir Starmer won the 2024 election on a simple and powerful promise: to restore stability to Britain. After years of Conservative crises, Brexit, the pandemic, scandals and financial shocks, his Labour Party was meant to be not a revolution, but a repair operation for the state. That promise is now under threat.

After heavy Labour losses in local elections, voices inside the party have begun calling for the prime minister to resign. His critics argue that Starmer has become so unpopular that he could drag Labour toward defeat at the next general election. His allies answer differently: another rapid change of leader would only deepen Britain’s addiction to instability.

Over the past decade, Britain has already had five prime ministers. David Cameron fell after the Brexit referendum. Theresa May could not carry the country through a deal with the European Union. Boris Johnson burned out in scandal. Liz Truss became a symbol of economic self-destruction. Rishi Sunak lost the election after trying to gather the wreckage.

For Daycom, Starmer’s crisis matters because it reaches beyond the personal fight for office. British politics appears to have grown used to treating structural problems by changing faces. But a new prime minister does not cancel weak growth, strained public services, the high cost of living or the consequences of Brexit.

The parliamentary system makes leadership change technically easy. Unlike presidential models, a party can remove a prime minister without a national election if it decides he has become a burden. That flexibility was once considered an advantage. Now it increasingly looks like a mechanism of permanent anxiety.

The problem is that every new prime ministerial collapse reduces the political weight of the office itself. When a leader becomes a temporary manager of party panic, government loses its ability to persuade the country that it has a long plan. Britain now needs precisely that: a long plan, not another act of internal drama.

Cameron left Downing Street after a decision meant to settle Britain’s European question, but which instead opened a decade of turbulence. The Brexit referendum did not reconcile the Conservative Party. It detonated a political, economic and diplomatic chain reaction that reshaped the country.

Девід Кемерон обіймав посаду прем'єр-міністра з 2010 по 2016 рік, пішовши у відставку після того, як Велика Британія проголосувала за вихід з Європейського Союзу на референдумі, який він скликав — Джастін Талліс

Theresa May inherited an almost impossible task: to carry out the voters’ decision while preserving governability and party unity. Her softer approach to leaving the European Union angered hard-line Euroskeptics, while her efforts at compromise failed to build a durable majority. Brexit broke another prime minister.

Тереза ​​Мей взялася за складне завдання переговорів щодо виходу країни з Європейського Союзу — Аріс Ойконому

Boris Johnson arrived as a politician of energy, slogans and electoral force. He promised to “take back control” and won a large mandate. But the pandemic, administrative chaos and scandals in Downing Street damaged the most important thing: trust in the rules the government itself demanded citizens obey.

Борис Джонсон в останній день на посаді у вересні — Генрі Ніколлс через Reuters

Liz Truss became the shortest and harshest lesson in the limits of ideological experiment. Her unfunded tax cuts triggered market panic, hit the pound and bonds, and shattered confidence in economic management. Six weeks were enough to leave a long political scar.

прем’єр-міністра Ліз Трасс, намагаючись стабілізувати фінансові ринки та стабілізувати свій уряд — Neil Hall/EPA, через Shutterstock

Rishi Sunak came in as a technocratic correction after the Truss disaster. His mission was to restore calm and competence. But he could not escape the shadow of his predecessors. In the 2024 election, voters delivered a verdict not only on him, but on an entire Conservative era of exhaustion.

Ріші Сунак під час своєї промови біля Даунінг-стріт, 10, перед тим, як зустрітися з королем Карлом III, щоб подати заяву про відставку у 2024 році — Кін Чеунг

It was against that background that Starmer promised something different: less spectacle, more government. Labour presented itself as the party of restored normality. Its strength lay not in charisma, but in contrast with continuous Conservative self-immolation. That contrast is now dangerously fading.

If Labour removes Starmer quickly, it may gain a short-term burst of energy. A new leader, new language, a new attempt to reconnect with voters. But the price would be high: the party that came to power promising stability would admit that it could not preserve stability even inside itself.

If Starmer stays, he must prove that he can do more than survive a rebellion. He must change the pace of government. After local election defeats, it is not enough to speak about urgency. Visible results are needed — in health care, prices, housing, security, public services and the sense that the country is truly moving out of stagnation.

Britain’s deeper problem is that political instability has become a reaction to economic and social helplessness. When growth is weak, services are worn down, inflation is painful and trust is low, parties search for a new leader as a quick explanation. But changing leaders does not automatically repair the system.

The King’s Speech Becomes a Ceremony Under Pressure for StarmerThe King’s Speech Becomes a Ceremony Under Pressure for StarmerCharles III opened a new parliamentary session with the government’s agenda, but the real drama was unfolding not in the House of Lords, but inside the Labour Party.

Starmer now faces a paradox. To preserve power, he must show change; but too sharp a turn could look like panic. He needs speed and discipline, party toughness and public sensitivity. That is a difficult balance for a politician whose main strength has always been caution.

Britain is tired not only of individual prime ministers. It is tired of the feeling that every new government arrives with a large promise and then falls quickly into the same trap. Brexit was supposed to restore control. Johnson promised energy. Truss promised a breakthrough. Sunak promised competence. Starmer promised stability.

The question now is simple: whether he becomes another link in the chain of unfulfilled promises, or whether he can stop Britain’s habit of prime ministerial collapse. For the Labour Party, this is not only a fight over leadership. It is a test of whether it can be the antidote to chaos, or merely its next chapter.


Стасова Вікторія — Кореспондент, який спеціалізується на суспільно важливих темах, пише про політику, економікку, фінансові ринки та бізнес. Вона проживає та працює в Лондоні, Великобританія.

Дмитро Швецов — Міжнародний кореспондент, який висвітлює війни, зокрема події в Україні, пише про бої на фронті, атаки на цивільні об'єкти та вплив війни на населення України. Він базуєтсья в Лондоні, Великобританія.

Цей матеріал є частиною розгорнутої теми: Вибори у Великій Британії, яка охоплює численні цікаві аспекти цієї події. Газета «Дейком» ретельно відстежує події, проводячи перевірку джерел та інформації, щоб забезпечити нашим читачам найбільш точне та актуальне інформування.

Цей матеріал опубліковано 18.05.2026 року о 19:20 GMT+3 Київ; 12:20 GMT-4 Вашингтон, розділ: Європа, Політика, Історія, із заголовком: "Britain Is Again Tempted to Change Prime Ministers". Якщо в публікації з'являться зміни, про це буде зазначено та описано у кінці публікації.

Читайте щоденну газету та загальну стрічку новин газети Дейком, яка поєднує багато цікавого в понад 40 розділах з усіх куточків світу.


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