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Zelensky Asks for Missiles as NATO Falls Behind Russia’s Strike Tempo

Kyiv needs Patriot systems and interceptors now, but Western procurement programs are moving more slowly than Russia’s missile campaign.


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Дмитро Швецов
Костянтин Любін
Іван Дехтярь
Інна Брах
Дмитро Швецов; Костянтин Любін; Іван Дехтярь; Інна Брах
Газета Дейком | 05.06.2026, 17:05 GMT+3; 10:05 GMT-4
Мова публікації: English

Volodymyr Zelensky has again put the most painful issue in Ukraine’s defense before its allies: not broad promises, but actual missiles to protect cities. After another massive strike on Kyiv, his demand sounded less like a diplomatic appeal than a countdown to the next attack.

Russian ballistic missiles remain the central threat for Ukraine. Drones can be countered by a range of systems, and cruise missiles by a wider air-defense network. But against ballistic missiles, Kyiv critically needs Patriot systems and enough PAC-2 and PAC-3 interceptors. This is where the shortage is sharpest.

Zelensky framed the problem directly: ballistic missiles have become Russia’s last strong argument in the war. Moscow may be losing momentum on the front, but it still has the ability to strike capitals, energy sites, residential districts and industrial targets at speeds Ukraine cannot always match.

According to Daycom’s assessment, the current air-defense crisis is not only about money. It is about the physical availability of missiles, production queues, political priorities and competition between wars. Ukraine may have funding, but if interceptors are needed at the same time by Kyiv, Washington, allies in the Middle East and other armies, money does not automatically become protection.

That is why the Ukrainian president is now speaking not only about donor packages, but about a place in line. Kyiv is negotiating with several countries to take over their contract positions for Patriot missiles from the United States. But such a scheme works only if the contract has been paid for and politically confirmed.

This is a new phase of the war for the skies. Earlier, Ukraine asked for systems. Now it is asking not to be lost in the global queue for the ammunition those systems need. Without missiles, even the most valuable air-defense battery becomes a limited asset that commanders must reserve for the most dangerous targets.

The U.S. war with Iran has made the problem worse. It has put additional pressure on stocks of critical interceptors and changed the distribution of attention in Washington. For Ukraine, this is a dangerous asymmetry: Russia continues mass strikes, while the main producer and supplier of key systems is also supporting another theater of conflict.

Against this backdrop, NATO’s PURL program was meant to become a mechanism for fast compensation. Its logic is simple: if the United States is no longer willing to open new aid packages at its own expense, European and other partners pay for American weapons for Kyiv.

But PURL is not moving at the speed Ukraine needs. Partners have formally pledged billions of dollars, yet this year’s new commitments are advancing slowly. If the annual goal is $12 billion and the additional amount finalized in the first months is far smaller, Ukraine receives less a guarantee than a delay.

In a war against ballistic missiles, delay has a concrete price. It is not bureaucratic discomfort. It is the difference between an interception and an explosion in a residential district. When a missile is flying toward Kyiv or Dnipro, it cannot be stopped by a future pledge, an unapproved package or a contribution still waiting for political clearance.

The European Union has already agreed major loan support for Ukraine through 2027. That matters for defense and the economy, but large financial frameworks do not automatically solve the problem of a specific interceptor in a specific Patriot battery. Ukrainian air defense lives not by headlines about billions, but by real stockpiles.

For NATO, this is also a reputational test. The alliance speaks of long-term support for Ukraine, but Kyiv is asking for a short and hard result: more missiles, faster deliveries and a smaller gap between announcement and arrival at the firing position. Russia is trying to exploit precisely that gap.

Mark Rutte is now in the role of expectation manager. He has to reassure Ukraine, push donors and avoid publicly admitting that the fundraising pace is falling behind. His task is to turn political support into formal packages before NATO’s July summit, where Zelensky will again stand before allies with the same demand.

Inside the alliance, officials are searching for a formula that can show Kyiv predictability. An earlier idea to earmark a fixed share of allies’ GDP for Ukraine did not pass. Now they are discussing more transparent tracking of contributions and a new absolute funding target. But for Ukraine, the architecture of reporting matters less than the speed of delivery.

Russia understands this time gap well. Its mass attacks on Ukrainian cities have not only military, but political purpose: to show that the West is late, that air defense is insufficient, and that even after years of war Ukraine still has to ask for basic protection of its skies.

Kyiv, by contrast, is trying to turn that vulnerability into an argument for mobilizing allies. Zelensky is no longer speaking abstractly about “more aid.” He is naming a specific threat — ballistic missiles — and a specific answer: Patriot systems and interceptors.

This also matters for future negotiations. If Ukraine lacks sufficient protection against Russian ballistic missiles, Moscow retains the ability to pressure cities even when the front does not deliver quick results. If Ukrainian air defense grows stronger, the Kremlin loses one of its main instruments of coercion.

The missile question therefore goes beyond technology. It is a question of political equality in war. A state that waits every night for impact negotiates from a weaker position. A state that can protect its capital, energy system and industrial centers has more room for diplomacy.

Ukraine’s allies have already shown that they can find money. Now they must show they can find speed. In a war where Russia launches missiles today, assistance promised “soon” often arrives too late.

Zelensky is not asking for symbols or new declarations. He is asking for interceptors that can stop the next ballistic missile. That is now the real measure of allied support for Ukraine: not the total value of promises, but the number of missiles that reach the sky in time.


Дмитро Швецов — Міжнародний кореспондент, який висвітлює війни, зокрема події в Україні, пише про бої на фронті, атаки на цивільні об'єкти та вплив війни на населення України. Він базуєтсья в Лондоні, Великобританія.

Костянтин Любін — Кореспондент, який спеціалізується на політиці, економіці та технологіях, проживає у Чикаго, США, та висвітлює міжнародні новини.

Іван Дехтярь — Кореспондент, який працює в Європі та Центральної Азії, пише щоденні новини та працює над масштабними розслідувальними проєктами і сюжетами. Базується в Стамбул, Туреччина.

Інна Брах — Кореспондент, яка спеціалізується на суспільно важливих темах, пише про міжнародну політику, фінансові ринки та фокусується на Європі та Близькому Сході. Вона проживає та працює в Стокгольмі, Швеція.

Цей матеріал є частиною розгорнутої теми: Допомога Україні, яка охоплює численні цікаві аспекти цієї події. Газета «Дейком» ретельно відстежує події, проводячи перевірку джерел та інформації, щоб забезпечити нашим читачам найбільш точне та актуальне інформування.

Цей матеріал опубліковано 05.06.2026 року о 17:05 GMT+3 Київ; 10:05 GMT-4 Вашингтон, розділ: Світові новини, Війна Росії проти України, Аналітика, із заголовком: "Zelensky Asks for Missiles as NATO Falls Behind Russia’s Strike Tempo". Якщо в публікації з'являться зміни, про це буде зазначено та описано у кінці публікації.

Читайте щоденну газету та загальну стрічку новин газети Дейком, яка поєднує багато цікавого в понад 40 розділах з усіх куточків світу.


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